Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza

Spis treści

Beata Możejko — 2022-09-16

Dyplomacja i oręż, możliwości i przeszkody w biskupiej kontroli terytorialnej w Księstwie Krakowskim, 1279–1320

Sebastian P. Bartos — 2022-09-16

W Europie XIII w. rozwój biskupstwa krakowskiego odbywał się zgodnie z ogólną tendencją do tworzenia autonomicznych obszarów immunitetowych z prerogatywami władztwa terytorialnego. Jednak po okresie dłuższej dynastycznej stabilizacji zakończonej wraz ze śmiercią Bolesława Wstydliwego w 1279 r. biskupi krakowscy musieli się wykazać różnorodnością taktyki w celu utrzymania, a nawet rozszerzenia immunitetów prawnych w posiadłościach ziemskich. W przeciwieństwie jednak do wielu biskupstw w sąsiedniej Rzeszy Niemieckiej lub Czechach, a nawet w samej Polsce, pomimo z pozoru korzystnych warunków wynikłych z osłabienia centralnej władzy świeckiej, prałaci krakowscy nie stworzyli suwerennej władzy książęcej. Piastowie i czescy Przemyślidzi wykazali znaczącą efektywność w zapobieganiu stratom terytorialnym na rzecz Kościoła. Artykuł ten omawia strategie biskupów w rozszerzaniu władzy kościelnej i w wykorzystaniu pojawiających się możliwości wzmacniania jej terytorialnej kontroli w okręgach diecezjalnych. Różnorodność wysiłków, między innymi dyplomatyczne zabiegi biskupów, wykorzystanie prawa patronatu i prawa kanonicznego, ekonomiczne przedsięwzięcia kolonizacyjne, a nawet militarna aktywność okazały się ostatecznie niewystarczające. Zarówno Paweł z Przemankowa w otwartym konflikcie z księciem Leszkiem Czarnym, biskup Prokop w początkowo poprawnych relacjach z Wacławem czeskim, jak i Jan Muskata z pewnym potencjałem wojskowym i w bliskiej współpracy z czeską monarchią, nie byli w stanie osiągnąć znaczącej dominacji terytorialnej. Biskupstwo krakowskie na przełomie XIII i XIV w. ilustruje fundamentalny wpływ lokalnych uwarunkowań politycznych, przypadków i indywidualnych decyzji na rozwój kościelnego władztwa terytorialnego, a którego ostateczny wynik nie mógł być przesądzony w Polsce przed odnowieniem monarchii w 1320 r.

Husytyzm jako kąkol. Kalendarium husyckie w kazaniu Dominica V post Epiphaniam Jana z Paczkowa Wettzigera z końca XV w.

Krzysztof Bracha — 2022-09-16

In a manuscript from the end of the fifteenth century in the University of Wrocław Library, which derives from the Augustinian Monastery (canonici regulares) in Żagań (under the Provost in Zielona Góra), a collection of sermons has survived, a collection of homilies for the entire liturgical year, entitled Sermones varii de tempore et de sanctis, transcribed by Jan z Paczkowa Wettziger (died after 1497). Wettzinger, a canon regularis from Kłodzko (he later lived in Żagań, Wrocław, and Zielona Góra), was not, despite appearances, the author of the collection, but he edited it on the basis of a collection of sermons of the Bernardine Patrick during his stay in Zielona Góra. Between pages 49r and 50v of the manuscript, there is the second (in sequence) sermon Sermo II: Dominica V post Epiphaniam. It is devoted to the phenomenon of heresy, which the preacher compares allegorically to the biblical tares. Wettzinger concentrates, above all, on an anti‑Hussite polemic. He transforms a critical interpretation of heresy into a chronicle‑style piece, incorporating into the sermon a calendar of the history of Czech Hussitism in the form of a long chronicler’s note.

Morska przygoda polskich pielgrzymów: relacja i alegoria (Vita maior sancti Stanislai, caput 49)

Marek Cetwiński — 2022-09-16

This article presents the narrative strategy employed by Wincenty z Kielc (Kielczy) in Vita maior sancti Stanislai, a text written shortly after the canonization of St. Stanisław. Its aim was to strengthen the cult of the Kraków bishop; the tales of miracles performed by the holy martyr were supposed to sound credible. They were also intended to incline readers (listeners) to pious reflection of a more general kind. At the hands oWincenty, a realistic tale of the dangers of a journey by sea undertaken by Piotr, a relative of the hagiographer, is transformed into allegory. The author, well‑versed in Dominican sermonizing, aims to convince readers that in what seem banal events, the „power and greatness of God” are manifested. God works through the mediation of St. Stanisław in what was for contemporary Poles the exotic circumstances of a maritime disaster.

Kto i kiedy zainicjował fundację klasztoru cysterek w Dorpacie?

Maja Gąssowska — 2022-09-16

Celem niniejszego artykułu była próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, kto i kiedy zainicjował fundację żeńskiego klasztoru cysterskiego w estońskiej diecezji dorpackiej. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że zakładanie klasztorów żeńskich nie było sprawą priorytetową w świeżo chrystianizowanych, słabo zaludnionych i peryferyjnych Inflantach. Pierwsze klasztory męskie na tych ziemiach powstały w pierwszej dekadzie XIII w., klasztory żeńskie – dopiero na początku drugiej połowy XIII w. Fundatorami wszystkich byli lokalni władcy terytorialni – król duński i inflanccy biskupi (ryski, dorpacki i ozylski). Należy więc uznać, że podobnie było w wypadku klasztoru cysterek dorpackich, i szukać jego fundatora wśród dorpackich hierarchów. Wydaje się, że inicjatorem tej fundacji, która po raz pierwszy była wzmiankowana źródłowo dopiero w 1345 r., mógł być biskup dorpacki Frederick von Haseldorf, sprawujący tę godność w latach 1268 – ok. 1289. Sprzyjały temu stosunkowo długi czas jego pontyfikatu, potwierdzone źródłowo wcześniejsze zainteresowanie biskupa monastycyzmem kobiecym (jego rodzinny Holsztyn, Meklemburgia, Pomorze Zachodnie) oraz wysoka pozycja społeczna i majątkowa. Wydaje się, że zamiar fundacji powstał dopiero w ostatnich latach życia biskupa Fredericka von Haseldorfa i po jego śmierci przeznaczono na ten cel pieniądze sprowadzone przez dorpacką kapitułę katedralną ze Stralsundu, a stanowiące spuściznę po zmarłym biskupie. Samo powstanie klasztoru zapewne było rozciągnięte w czasie, podobnie jak w wypadku nieco lepiej oświetlonych źródłowo i wcześniejszych fundacji żeńskich klasztorów cysterek w Rydze i Rewalu, ale być może zaczął on funkcjonować jeszcze w XIII w. – zamykając okres chrystianizacji Inflant – do którego przynależały wszystkie fundacje cysterskie na terenie Dawnych Inflant.

Praga czy Kraków? Rozterki Jadwigi Andegaweńskiej związane z kształceniem litewskich teologów

Tomasz Graff — 2022-09-16

The author analyzes the sources and accounts of historiography relating to the two‑track actions of Queen Jadwiga Andegaweńska that aimed to open a faculty of theology in Kraków and to reactivate the college founded by Casimir the Great and, at the same time, to found a College for Lithuanians in Prague at the local university. An analysis of the circumstances attendant on the establishment of the Prague foundation in cooperation with the Czech King Vaclav IV suggests that this decision, although noble, was damaging for the idea of a renewal of the university in Kraków. However, Jadwiga’s abandonment of further financing of the Lithuanian College and then the Queen’s death contributed to the implementation of the idea by King Władysław Jagiełło in 1400. The Queen Jadwiga College in Prague was not, however, in practice, in accordance with her intentions, designated for Lithuanians but mainly served Czechs; nonetheless, from Długosz’s time to today, the myth is current of its supposedly considerable influence on the education and Christianization of the inhabitants of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

Rewolucja według Wawrzyńca z Březové

Wojciech Iwańczak — 2022-09-16

Wawrzyniec z Březové is distinguished among observers and chroniclers of Hussitism, and his chronicles are the best source of information relating to the first phase of the Hussite revolution. Wawrzyniec writes of the years 1414–1421, but his main focus is on the years 1419–1421. He starts with the inauguration of giving communion in two kinds, which was a result of the work of Jakoubek ze Stříbra in 1414. The world of this penetrating observer and thinking man is not black and white. The inevitable companion of revolution – fear – is clear in the pages of Wawrzyniec’s account. Indeed, it accompanies all the phases of these tempestuous events.

Der gotische Muttergottes‑Altar von Guttstadt (1426)

Joanna Jakutowicz — 2022-09-16

This article offers a stylistic analysis of the Marian altar from the church of the Redeemer and All Saints in Dobre Miasto in the voivodship of Warmia and Masuria. The altar was set up in 1426 as an altar for morning mass. It remains incomplete to this day: several Gothic figures were replaced by later pieces of sculpture, and the altar was provenance is also questionable of the centrally located sculpture of Mary and Child.

The literature up to now has pointed out stylistic analogies with the altar in Pörschken (Nowo‑Moskowskoje), at present in the collection of the Castle Museum in Malbork, and with the altar from Sokolica (Falkenau), which is at present in the collection Museum of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn. Stylistic analysis makes it possible to establish that the closest analogy to the Dobre Miasto altar is the altar from Pörschken, while the somewhat later retable from Sokolica has many features in common with the altar from Rauma (Finland), which was a Prussian export.

It is, however, an open question as to the location of the Prussian provincial woodcarving workshop that probably produced the altars in Dobre Miasto and Pörschken, drawing on the at that time rather old‑fashioned tradition of figures of the Madonna on lions. The literaturę suggests Malbork or Gdańsk, but because of stylistic similarities to the Elbląg Apostolic College and the links of the Elbląg Rector Mikołaj Wulsack with Dobre Miasto, Elbląg, too, must be considered.

Topografia sakralna średniowiecznego Gdańska jako problem badawczy

Rafał Kubicki — 2022-09-16

One of the main aspects of space in the medieval town consisted of various kinds of sacred structures, above all, parish churches, but also churches belonging to religious houses and hospital chapels. Many spheres of the social life of the town centred on them, both in terms of community (corporate ones involving forms of collective religious experience within guilds and brotherhoods) and of individual experience (private piety). The article considers the issue in relation to the settlement complex of medieval Gdańsk, which initially was a city under Lübeck law, which after its destruction became three town centres successively established in the fourteenth century: the Gdańsk Main Town, the Gdańsk Old Town, and the Gdańsk Young Town. It is important to note that within them were pre‑existing and newly built parish and sister churches, hospital chapels, and churches attached to religious houses. All such buildings are of interest in the sacred topography of the settlement complex in the Middle Ages. Detailed studies of this topic should contribute to a fuller picture of the social history of Gdańsk in the late Middle Ages with special reference to functioning church institutions, not only in an institutional sense, but also as a social network linking various social levels among its inhabitants, both individually and collectively.

Buch des Gedächtniβ – najstarsza księga miasta Chojnic (1436–1544). Okoliczności powstania i komentarz kodykologiczny

Julia Możdżeń — 2022-09-16

This article contains an analysis of the codicological context and circumstances surrounding the writing of the oldest city record of Chojnice. This volume is the most important source of information about the town’s medieval history. It is in the State Archive in Bydgoszcz in the section devoted to Documents of Chojnice under signature no. 33. The date of its writing has provoked controversy among scholars, as the date of 1436 was often misread as 1466. The author discusses and analyzes the structure of the volume, the phases of its production, and dates the paper on the basis of an analysis of the dating ofthe water marks. These water marks confirm that volume began to be kept in the 1430s and subsequent pages were sown in as the pages of the manuscript were filled up. It is a typical record of entries kept simultaneously by the council and the town court; it was kept through to the 1640s. The introductory section of the volume is unique. There the councilors present in minute detail the motives behind starting it. They call it a book of memory, one that aims to preserve a memory of official matters, court cases, and transactions entered into. The author also considers the circumstances that could have influenced the late establishment of the record – only in 1436 – and points out the self‑awareness of the members of the town council as guardians of the memory of the town’s history.

Recz nad Iną czy Raciąż koło Tucholi, czyli jeszcze raz o miejscu uwięzienia księcia wschodniopomorskiego Mściwoja II (1269 r.)

Edward Rymar — 2022-09-16

After the death of Duke Świętopełk (1266), before civil war broke out between his sons Mściwoj II in Świecie and Warcisław II in Gdańsk–Słupsk, which ended with the banishment of the younger of the two by Mściwoj with Brandenburg help (1269–1271), Mściwoj was imprisoned in a castle called Redzk by some of his powerful subjects(“barons”), at the inspiration or even with the participation of Warcisław. However, later, a more powerful group of knights (milites) freed him and concluded a “covenant” with him (entering into his service?), which led to the expulsion of Warcisław II from Gdańsk. This is recorded in narrative sources from Oliwa and Poznań.

A place called Redzk, with a castle, cannot be found in Gdańsk Pomerania. However, without exception, scholars have identified Redzk with castellan Raciąż, a village near Tuchola in the southern part of Gdańsk Pomerania and, thus, within Mściwoj’s domains. In sources from1178 to 1300, this spot appears as: Recinsz, Ratzens, Racins, and Racensze. All these are very different from Redzk. Here it is also worth recalling that the castle in Raciąż was destroyed in 1256 by knights from Great Poland, and, according to documents and archaeological sources, it was not rebuilt before 1270. These and other considerations prompt the author to transfer the site of Mściwoj’s brief incarceration far westward to Recz nad Iną, to a place with a castle that around that time (1268, 1269?) had been taken from the Knights of St John by Barnim I and his knights from Stargard. These knight included five Wedel brothers, who from this time on remained in the service of Mściowoj and took part in the margraves’ expansion into Gdańsk Pomerania (1271–1273). The location of the Duke’s incarceration is further suggested by the homage he made the margraves of Brandenburg in the nearby Choszczno (then Arnswalde) on 1 April 1269.

Those who stubbornly identify Redzk with the at that time non‑existent castle in Raciąż have not asked themselves why Mściwoj decided on such a politically far‑reaching step, that is, to pay feudal tribute to the House of Ascania/Anhalt and made to that end the long journey with his immediate entourage some 200 kilometers westward from his duchy. Logic suggests linking this step with his liberation from imprisonment in Recz. The chroniclers evidently were thinking of that group of German knights who in occupied Recz chose the pro‑Brandenburg option, when in 1269 the margraves intervened in the continuing conflict between Barnim I, his knights, and the Cistercians of Kołbacz, on one hand, and the Korytów and Stargard Knights of St John, on the other.

They drove off the Cistercians and their lay brothers from their centre in “Sowno” (in Sivin by Lake Sowno), which should, of course, be identified as Arnswalde itself (Choszczno), where on 1 April their very important encounter with Mściwoj II took place. Arnswalde had hitherto lain in the duchy of Barnim I of Szczecin. Because a result of the turmoil was Ludwik von Wedel and his brothers’ transferring their services to the margraves (which is apparent in the sources at the latest after 1272), while earlier the had been actively involved in grabbing the possession of the Knights of St John, taking over, among other possessions, Recz and their castle, the author points out the possibility of Mściwoj’s liberation at the hands of those very knights, so that after the quick taking of Recz by the margraves, the secular duke could travel to Choszczno on 1 April 1269, a place in which the outrage perpetrated by Barnim I and his subordinates on the Korytów Knights of St John was still deeply felt.

Further conclusive evidence that knights from West Pomerania were involved in Mściwoj’s imprisonment, and at least in his liberation, is offered by an undated letter of Mściwoj II – dated by scholars to the years 1269–1271, although usually to the beginning of 1271 – in which on the advice of “his true knight, Pan Ludwik,” he seeks the help of the margraves of the senior line, offering in exchange the town and the fortress of Gdańsk and Gdańsk lands! The bringer of the letter and intermediary between Mściwoj and the margraves was his trusted translator dominus Henryk, probably Ludwik’s brother. The Ludwik mentioned in the letter has been identified with Ludwik von Wedel, who was involved in seizing the possessions of the Knights of St John. Indeed, the family embarked on a rapid career. Already in the years 1271–1272, Ludwik I and his brothers took part in the expedition of the Margrave Konrad against Gdańsk and Gdańsk Pomerania; later Ludwik remained in the Margrave’s entourage, and on 17 August 1272, he was present, along with his brother Henryk, among the knights of the Margrave in distant Lübeck in connection with preparations for a further incursion into the Gdańsk lands. It is evident that earlier Ludwik participated in freeing Mściwoj in Recz and that is why he could remain for some time in his entourage, playing a key role in his choosing the Brandenburg option. His description in the letter as miles and dominus clearly indicates an outstanding figure and precludes looking for someone unknown from the Duke’s German entourage. At the same time, an approximate date for Mściwoj’s imprisonment has been adopted (after 9 October 1268, when he was in Gdańsk at the purging of his brother), and, indeed, for his liberation by German knights, which has been set after the period immediately following 1 April 1269 (when the Duke paid homage to the margraves, perhaps under duress).

Kilka uwag w sprawie roli politycznej hrabiny szweryńskiej Audacji‑Małgorzaty

Marek Smoliński — 2022-09-16

Appearing in historical sources under two names, Audacja and Małgorzata, the wife of the Count of Schwerin Henryk I (died 1228) has long aroused the interest of historians. Researchers have investigated her Pomeranian origins. They have attempted to give the history of her family: husbands, sons, and several daughters. They have frequently discussed the matter of her rights to Sławno lands, which her daughter Ermengarde brought to her husband Świętopełk, Duke of Gdańsk. In the scholarly literature from the nineteenth century, there are reflections on the large role that the countess played in the history of Połabia at the end of the 1220s and the start of the 1230s, a history determined by Schwerin‑Danish relations. The very marriage of Audacja‑Małgorzata with Henryk is also a subject of interest here. Although the political circumstances of the countess’s marriage with Henryk I occasion doubts in the literature, there is no doubt her public actions were dominated by the conflict with Denmark. The Countess took an active part in this, not just as the wife of Henryk I, who was himself instrumental in shaking the position of Denmark in the area round the Baltic. Thanks to her, the peace treaties also discussed conditions for the return of territory (or payment of appropriate compensation) taken from her mother by Waldemar II. This point emerged during the discussions with the emissaries of the Empire with Count Henryk I and his allies concerning the liberation of Waldemar II and his son Waldemar III in 1223 and 1224. In the agreement between Denmark and Schwerin in 1225, the Countess, together with her husband and children, was mentioned as a party. She was also mentioned in the fief agreement concluded in 1227 between the Duke of Saxony Albrecht I and Count Henryk I.

After 1228, Audacja‑Małgorzata played a special role on her husband’s death. Then the Countess had to conclude an agreement both with Denmark and the Duke of Brunswick, who was supporting her. Her position at that time is clearly reflected in a letter by Pope Gregory IX, calling on the Countess to free prisoners (the sons of Waldemar II and the Duke of Brunswick‑Lüneburg Otto the Child). Audacja‑Małgorzata’s guiding purpose was probably to make it possible for Gunzelin III, her still (in 1228) underage son, to take power in Schwerin. The basic aim of the conflict with Denmark was achieved, that is to remove Mikołaj, Waldemar II’s grandson, from the line of succession in Schwerin. By agreeing to end the conflict, the Schwerin side gave up the entirety of the ransom that Waldemar II was initially meant to pay and settled for half of it. The betrothal and subsequent marriage of Gunzelin III with Małgorzata of Mecklenburg can be seen as an attempt to build local alliances and as showing a willingness to live at peace with her neighbours.

Thus, it appears that the Countess was reasonably successful in securing her son’s future and once he took power in guaranteeing him peace with all his neighbours. From that moment, the Countess gradually began to withdraw from public life and concentrated on devotional activities. This was what she was known for in the period before her death, which probably took place in 1270.

Książęta śląscy w relacjach Polski z Czechami w początkowym okresie rewolucji husyckiej

Jerzy Sperka — 2022-09-16

From the start of his reign, Władysław Jagiełło he strove to normalize relations with the Silesian dukes, vassals of the Czech Crown, and neighbors of the Kingdom of Poland. These plans were initially disrupted by the war with Władysław Opolczyk and his nephews (1391–1396), but after it ended, relations were correct for the next two decades. Jagiełło’s wise policy towards the Silesian dukes also included his matrimonial policy, arranging marriages with representatives of the Giedyminowicz family. In the mid‑1420s, all the bordering Upper Silesian principalities were ruled by relatives of the Polish king. Despite this, the dukes of Upper Silesia remained faithful to their Czech rulers. When the Hussite Revolution broke out in Bohemia in 1419, the Silesian dukes supported Sigismund of Luxemburg, the successor of Wenceslas IV. At the same time, however, they tried to maintain proper relations with the Polish King Władysław Jagiełło, permitting – like the princes of Racibórz, Cieszyn, and Oświęcim – the Hussite legations to pass through their territories on the way to Poland and Lithuania with the offer of the crown of St. Wenceslas. The situation changed when, in September 1421 in Racibórz, Jan II Żelazny (who was married to Jagiełło’s niece Helena) imprisoned the Hussite legation sent by the Czech parliament. Despite pleas and threats from the Polish and Lithuanian sides demanding their release, the Duke of Racibórz, under great pressure, handed over the envoys to King Zygmunt. Consequently, the Silesian dukes, fearing for their principalities (at the hands of the Hussites and Poland), became closely associated with Sigismund of Luxemburg and became his allies in the conflict with Jagiełło and Witold. The culmination of these activities was that the Silesian dukes, at the beginning of 1423, joined a pact against Poland, the aim of which was its partition. However, when Sigismund of Luxemburg abruptly changed his policy and, in March 1423 in Kieżmark, concluded a treaty of friendship with King Jagiełło, the Silesian dukes realized that they had made a mistake by trusting their ruler excessively and adopting anti‑Polish rhetoric. So they took rapid steps to restore the former correct relations, apologizing to King Jagiełło and the Kingdom of Poland for their actions, a move that proved successful.

Próba rekonstrukcji socjotopografii średniowiecznego Chełmna na przykładzie kwartału większego

Mateusz Superczyński — 2022-09-16

The article is a contribution to the development of the full socio‑topography of medieval Chełmno (Kulm) and shows the problems related to the development of the social and occupational structure of this city in the light of surviving city records. It indicates gaps in the sources database, and, at the same time, the possibilities and research methods of socio‑topography via the example of Chełmno. The text includes an annex in the form of a list of townspeople of the great quarter, prepared on the basis of a compilation of data from several rent registers and other archival sources. Attached to the annex is a city map showing the plot grid, on which the occupational structure of the inhabitants is marked.

Wodzieradzcy herbu Gąska z Sieradzkiego

Alicja Szymczakowa — 2022-09-16

In the Sieradz Province, the House of Gąsk was concentrated in several areas: in the vicinity of Błaszki (Wójcice), Gruszczyce (Równa), Sędziejowice (Lichawa, Kamostek, Sycanów), Marzenin (Pruszków, Dobra, Wola Rososza), and Drużbin (Rzechta). The Wodzieradzki family had a small estate including the villages of Wodzierady and areas in Dziechtarzew, Chorzeszów and Dobruchów. The centre of the estate was Wodzierady, in which Krzesław probably built a fortress [fortalicium]. Six generations of Wodzieradzki resided there in the years 1398–1559. The figure of Krzesław stands out most in the family history. He took part in the battle with the Teutonic Knights at Chojnice (1454), and towards the end of his life became kasztelan Konarski (senator) of Sieradz (1491–1497).

Jeszcze raz w sprawie pielgrzymki księcia szczecińskiego Świętobora I do Ziemi Świętej w 1411 r.

Joachim Zdrenka — 2022-09-16

The author of the commentary does not engage in a polemic with Krzysztof Kwiatkowski’s article “Niewola księcia pomorsko‑szczecińskiego Kazimierza [V] po bitwie grunwaldzkiej (1410/1411) – obserwacje historycznokulturalne” (Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza 2017, vol. 21, pp. 111–126). However, he draws attention to Kwiatkowski’s erroneous interpretations, in which, without offering any new arguments, he asserts “facts” that do not emerge from the cited sources. The author suggests that we are dealing here with historical fantasy that has no place in serious history. Kwiatkowski also commits errors in citing sources and does not take account of the most important study of pilgrimages to the Holy Land. Summing up, the author of the commentary claims that the subject of Prince Świętobor I’s pilgrimage demands historical knowledge of material predating Kwiatkowski’s article.

Recepcja pruskiego przywileju inkorporacyjnego Kazimierza Jagiellończyka w Gdańsku w XV–XVI w.

Marcin Grulkowski — 2022-09-16

In 1454, King Kazimierz IV Jagiellończyk incorporated Prussia intothe Kingdom of Poland. This act became the direct cause of the Thirteen Years’ War with the Teutonic Order. The privilege of incorporation (Privilegium incorporationis) of March 6, 1454, granted to representatives of the Prussian states at that time, became the most important source of rights that created the legal basis for the autonomy of Royal Prussia within the Polish‑Lithuanian Commonwealth. The original of the document was kept in the Toruń archives. Numerous copies from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries testify to a considerable interest in issues relating to the autonomy of Royal Prussia. This resulted from the actions of the Commonwealth of Poland aimed at limiting the political separateness of Prussia. The subject of the article is the question of knowledge of the content of the incorporation privilege in Gdańsk in the period immediately after the end of the Thirteen Years’ War (after 1466). In 1470, Gdańsk obtained a copy of the privilege (which has not survived to this day), sent from Toruń. A second copy is in a manuscript drawn up in 1485 in connection with the participation of envoys from Gdańsk in the congress of Prussian states in Toruń. During this congress, King Kazimierz Jagiellończyk demanded the levying of new taxes in Prussia to meet the needs of royal policy. This met with opposition from the Prussian states and led to a dispute with the King. Central to the matter were the rights of the Prussian states set out in the Privilegium incorporationis of 1454. It is to be assumed that the Gdańsk sources presented in the article are among the oldest identified copies of the incorporation privilege.

O wykazach urzędników sieradzkich, łęczyckich, kujawskich i dobrzyńskich w Metryce Koronnej, ks. 14 i ich datacji raz jeszcze

Sobiesław Szybkowski — 2022-09-16

The article examines attempts to date the list of Central Polish officials (the Sieradz, Łęczyca, Dobrzyń, and Kujawy areas), given on fol. 211v–212 of the Crown Register (Metryka Koronna – MK) 14 kept in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw. Sobiesław Szybkowski dated the Kuyawa lists roughly to the years 1480–1484, and the Dobrzyń lists to 1485, with corrections made in them in the years 1491–1494. Janusz Bieniak, on the other hand, dated the original level of the Sieradz, Łęczyca, Dobrzyń and Kujawy lists to the spring or early summer of 1484, earlier additions to the Dobrzyń lists to the years 1485–1489, and later amendments to all lists to the period after 1491. A closer analysis of the external features of the original lists of officials from the areas of Sieradz, Łęczyca, Dobrzyńska, and Kujawy from fol. 2011v–212 MK 14, suggests somewhat different possibilities than before regarding the approximate dating of this important source. It seems that seven hands contributed to its final shape. The first level of the text came from hand no. 1, who planned the list concerning the areas of Sieradz, Łęczyca, Brzeg voivodship (fol. 211v MK 14), and Inowrocław voivodship (beginning of fol. 212 MK 14). It was probably written at the end of 1482 or at the beginning of 1483 (by late spring). The first additions to this list were made by hand no. 2, who also started the Dobrzyń list in free space at the bottom of the first column at fol. 211v. This probably happened in 1485. The next hands, nos 3–7, supplemented and modified the Central Poland lists up to the last years of the reign of Kazimierz Jagiellończyk. Interventions (in the form of deletions) took place during the reign of Jan Olbracht. The annex to the article is a full critical edition of the list of officials of Central Poland from Crown Register (Metryka Koronna) 14.