Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr <p>„Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza” to czasopismo naukowe, poświęcone szeroko rozumianej historii średniowiecza, które wychodzi od 1994 roku. Do 2003 roku ukazywało się pod tytułem „Gdańskie Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza”, a w 2004 roku nastąpiła zmiana na obecny tytuł. Pierwszy tom czasopisma był redagowany przez Jana Powierskiego i Błażeja Śliwińskiego, następnie od tomu 2 aż do 15 redaktorem był Błażej Śliwiński. W 2011 roku tom 16 wyszedł pod redakcją Beaty Możejko, Marka Smolińskiego i Sobiesława Szybkowskiego. Od 1999 roku opieka merytoryczna i redakcja należy do Zakładu Historii Średniowiecza Polski i Nauk Pomocniczych Historii Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego (wcześniej Zakład Historii Średniowiecza, po podziale w 1997 Zakład Historii Powszechnej i Zakład Historii Średniowiecza Polski i Nauk Pomocniczych Historii). Na łamach „Studiów...” publikowali i publikują przedstawiciele różnych środowisk naukowych: gdańskiego, bydgoskiego, słupskiego, szczecińskiego, zielonogórskiego, poznańskiego, toruńskiego, łódzkiego, krakowskiego, warmińsko-mazurskiego, katowickiego, częstochowskiego, białostockiego i świętokrzyskiego. Nawiązano również kontakty i publikowano teksty uczonych związanych z zagranicznymi uczelniami i instytucjami naukowymi: niemieckimi, rosyjskimi, szwajcarskimi, białoruskimi i czeskimi.</p> pl-PL beata.mozejko@ug.edu.pl (prof. dr hab. Beata Możejko) czasopismaug@ug.edu.pl (Agnieszka Kranich-Lamczyk) wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 OJS 3.1.2.4 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Spis treści https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4183 Sobiesław Szybkowski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4183 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Autorzy https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4184 Sobiesław Szybkowski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4184 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Recenzenci https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4185 Sobiesław Szybkowski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4185 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Hołd lenny Mściwoja I złożony Danii w 1210 r. Próba rekonstrukcji epizodu z dziejów panowania pierwszych Sobiesławiców https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4132 <p style="text-align: justify;">The homage of Mściwoj I made in 1210 to Waldemar II, the king of Denmark, is still one of the unexplained episodes of the history of medieval Pomerania. In the current scientific literature historians almost unanimously accepted that the inclusion of Eastern Pomerania by the influence of Denmark resulted from the armed expansion of the Danes, who forced Mściwoj I to pay them homage. However, the analysis of sources gives us reasons to suppose that events could actually follow a completely different path. The manner of recording the events in „Annales Waldemariani”, as well as political relations between the papacy, Denmark and Germany at the beginning of XIII century, seem to indicate that the feudal homage of the Eastern Pomeranian ruler was made voluntarily. Moreover, we can suppose that the initiative of such a political union came from Mściwoj I himself.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">At the turn of XII and XIII century Eastern Pomerania was being in immediate danger of Danish expansion. The possessive intent of Waldemar II toward the Sobiesławice estate became apparent with the occupation of Słupsk by Denmark between 1202 and 1206. Couldn’t counting on support of the Polish princes, involved in conflicts with each other for supremacy, Sobiesławice probably decided to enter into agreement with Denmark. In exchange for recognition of the princes rights in Eastern Pomerania (Sobiesławice didn’t have a position equal to the rest of the Polish or even West Pomeranian rulers) Mściwoj I voluntarily accepted Danish supremacy in 1210. It is possible that it was also connected with his willingness to participate in the Danish conquest of the Prussian lands. Against this background, however, it came to some friction, because the head of the Prussian mission, Christian, probably cooperating with Denmark, blocked the actions of Mściwoj I aimed at subordinating Prussian neophytes to him, witch chilled the Danish‑Pomeranian relations. Christian’s monopol on actions among Prussians was also against the will of Polish princes, witch is why there was rapprochement between them and the ruler of East Pomerania. At the rally in Mąkolno in 1212 Mściwoj I involved himself into Polish plans of taking actions in Prussia ted by Denmark in 1210. Because of the source shortages, we are unable to determine whether after 1212 Mściwoj returned under authority of Poland. It is impossible to explicitly exclude such course of events. However, it is possible thet the Eastern Pomeranian ruler after 1212 could still remaind in a fief relation with Denmark, which was broken just after his death by imposing the Polish superiority on Świętopełk by Leszek the White. In such arrangement likely moment of the breakdown of Danish‑Eastern Pomeranian partnership is year 1220, when Mściwoj I died and Waldemar II was in Estonia on crusade.</p> Mariusz Bizewski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4132 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Z dziejów potomstwa i wdowy po zmarłym podkomorzym kaliskim Rafale z Gołuchowa (zm. 1442). Przyczynek do historii życia rodziny szlacheckiej w późnośredniowiecznej Polsce https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4133 <p style="text-align: justify;">The aim of the paper is to present these events and experiences whose occurrence in the life of a noble family in late‑medieval Poland was the consequence of the death of husband and father. This was achieved by means of reconstructing the life story of Elżbieta, the fourth wife of the Kalisz‑district chamberlain Rafał of Gołuchowo from the Wieniawa family, as well as that of his sons and daughter (Iwan, Rafał, Jan, Andrzej, and Cherubin, and their sister Barbara), after his death. This reconstruction essentially provided insight into such activities undertaken by them or with their participation as taking ownership of the property left to the widow, establishing custody of the children that had not yet come of age and of their assets, establishing guardianship of the as yet unmarried daughter and regulating the payment of her part of the family money in the form of a monetary dowry, and, in time, dividing the family estate between the brothers. These actions were, in a way, a natural consequence of the death of husband and father, and were a part of the life of most families living in those times. An analysis of their realisation in social practice based on relevant records in court’s registers allow to understand the underlying legal customs, only partly reflected in the norms of the written law, as well as the events and experiences which resulted from the death of husband and father for his wife and children, and the role played by their relatives in this period of their lives.</p> Witold Brzeziński Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4133 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Stepmother and stepson: Duchess Matilda in the power struggle after the death of her husband Barnim I, the Duke of Pomerania https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4134 <p style="text-align: justify;">This essay presents the diplomatic relations between the Pomeranian Duke Bogusław IV and his stepmother, Duchess Matilda. Bogusław was the first son of Duke Barnim I and his second wife, Duchess Margaret of Mecklenburg. The first aim is to describe some general information relating to their personal life. Another crucial objective is to explore in greater detail the political situation in the Duchy of Pomerania towards the end of the 13th century and in the early 14th century. This is a complex problem because of the numerous conflicets between Duke Bogusław IV and the Margraviate of Brandenburg. His stepmother, Duchess Matilda, was a daughter of Margrave Otto III of Brandenburg. This fact had an immense influence on their diplomatic relations. In 1295, the Duchy of Pomerania was divided between Duke Bogusław IV and his half‑brother, Otto I. According to this agreement, Bogusław received Wolgast, and Otto Szczecin. The paper shows that in all likelihood Duchess Matilda contributed to this division of the duchy.</p> Mariola Freza‑Olczyk Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4134 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Czas powstania krzyżackiego komturstwa w Pokarminie (Brandenburg) a kwestia chronologii wznoszenia tamtejszego zamku https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4135 <p style="text-align: justify;">The analyses performed in the paper indicate that the construction works on the brick Teutonic Commandery Castle in Pokarmin (Brandenburg) started in the 1280s (perhaps around 1283). This coincided with the decision to make it the headquarters of the order and the seat of the commander, which took place at the end of 1283 or at the beginning of 1294. The castle was more or less finished (the main wing and the curtain wall surrounding the whole site?) in 1290. At the beginning of the 14th century (before 1306) it had two or three wings and was built on a rectangular plane. By no means was the castle in Pokarmin the first or model regular castle in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, which was a common assumption among scholars up until now. This issue is still being researched, but more and more information points to Papowo in the Chełmno land as the first regular (square), four‑wing commandery castle in Prussia. We are still not certain, however, if by the end of the 13th century its construction had been completed.</p> Sławomir Jóźwiak, Janusz Trupinda Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4135 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 „Oliwa” – pochodzenie nazwy podgdańskiego klasztoru cystersów. Przyczynek do badań https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4136 <p style="text-align: justify;">At the end of the 12th century, the regent of Pomerelia Sambor I founded a Cistercian monastery near Gdańsk. The monks, who came there from their home monastery in Kołbacz, called the new monastery “Oliva”. In the Cistercian tradition, this name referred to the Biblical symbol of the olive tree. Historians favour an allegorical etymology of the monastery’s name, but some scholars attempt to link it to the symbol of the Mount of Olives. In the 20th century Polish linguists put forth a hypothesis about the Slavic provenance of the monastery’s name. Reconstructed as “*Oława”, it was supposed to be a river name. According to this hypothesis, the name “Oliva” is supposed to have resulted from the Cistercians changing the original name due to a phonetic association with the Mount of Olives (“Montes Olivarum”). However, not only the absence of the supposed original name in the source texts speaks against this hypothesis, but also the Cistercian custom of giving monasteries completely new names, often allegorical. The authors of the hypothesis also completely disregarded the meanings the Cistercians were giving to Biblical symbols. What is especially important in this case is the relation between the olive tree and the monastery’s patrons: the Blessed Virgin and Saint Bernard of Clairvaux.</p> Adam Kromer Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4136 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Obraz cara bułgarskiego Samuela w źródłach bizantyńskich (XII w.) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4137 <p style="text-align: justify;">Samuel, the ruler of Bulgaria from the turn of the tenth and eleventh centuries is without a doubt a significant figure in the history of his country, having left a clear mark on its relations with the Byzantine Empire. It was he who challenged the Byzantines, who occupied a considerable part of Bulgaria in 971. Over the course of several decades, he was first wrenching Bulgarian territories from the Byzantine hands and subsequently defended his possessions with great determination. It was only several years after his death (1014) that the Bulgarian state fell into Byzantine hands (1018), ushering an almost hundred and seventy yearperiod of its nonexistence – the time of Byzantine captivity.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Information included in the 12th‑century Byzantine sources (Nicephor Bryennios, Anna Komnene, John Zonaras, Michael Glykas, The Life of Nikon Metanoeite”), analysed in the present article and relating to Samuel are focused on the two fundamental questions, specifically the circumstances in which he had taken the reins of power and the military activity he conducted against Byzantium. The portrayal of the Bulgarian ruler included therein was on the one hand influenced by the trend present in the Byzantine literature to diminish the successes of the Empire’s enemies by indicating their causes were to be found on the Byzantine side, and on the other by the fact that the Bulgarians became subjects of the Byzantine ruler. Some of them entered into the elite of the Byzantine society, sometimes through familial connections. In these circumstances, it was better to be related to Samuel the Basileus, rather than to Samuel the barbarian.</p> Mirosław J. Leszka Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4137 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Lýtron. Okup za odstąpienie od oblężenia miasta jako element strategii wojennej Chosroesa I w "De bello Persico" Prokopiusza z Cezarei https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4138 <p style="text-align: justify;">The author analysed the description of Chosroes’s military campaign as presented by Procopius of Caesarea. Consecutive stages of the war in the years 540–542 are discussed with the main focus on the amounts of ransoms which the Persian king imposed on cities located on the route his army had taken towards Antiochia. Procopius mentions that the shares in the collection were proportionate to the estates and gold reserves owned by inhabitants of a city the ransom was demanded from. It is difficult to estimate the validity of such accounts. Unfortunately, there is no incidental information which could confirm their correctness. The ransom amounts listed by Procopius do, however, raise certain reservations. The author analyses the ransom amounts cited by Procopius and juxtaposes them with the size of a besieged city. The implemented comparison allows for expressing reasonable doubts as far as parts of Procopius’s accounts are concerned. It is confirmed in the instance of Antiochia, from which a considerably small ransom was demanded, whereas much larger sums were demanded from other, much smaller and less affluent towns. Thus, one may doubt the genuineness of some of the data provided by Procopius.</p> Ireneusz Milewski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4138 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Animals in the legal culture of Prussian towns (the 13th–16th centuries): An overview https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4139 <p style="text-align: justify;">Animals were a permanent element in the landscape of medieval towns. Many residents of the then urban centres lived of animal husbandry. In addition to farm animals (e.g. pigs), they kept domestic animals (e.g. dogs and cats) as well as wild animals. The latter often sought food in garbage and suburbs. Such animals were also kept for entertainment. Authorities of Prussian towns regulated many issues related to the functioning of towns, including those concerning animal husbandry. Animals could pose a threat to the health and life of residents. They were also considered to be pests that destroy crops, orchards, and household appliances. The legislation of the period was focused on determining guilt for crimes and offenses committed by animals. Either an animal, treated as an entity responsible for the harmful act, or its owner was blamed for the misconducts. The presence of animals, especially livestock, was considered to be the cause of considerable sanitary problems in towns, mainly due to animal waste. Town authorities regulated issues concerning cattle herding and grazing. The care over the herd was entrusted to urban shepherds whose service was regulated by town legislation. The problem of the perception of animals by the society of that time was also significant. Although seemingly unwanted, they were the only source of income for many residents. For some, animals were pests, and for others, a guarantee of fragile existence. It was also a time when people began to wonder what exactly an animal is, what role it should play in human life, and how to treat it.</p> Paweł Mateusz Modrzyński Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4139 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Polish and Hungarian lords in the entourage of Władysław, King of Poland and Hungary 1440–1442 https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4140 <p style="text-align: justify;">Based on the analysis of sources it can be stated that Polish presence near the king was constant and significant. The most significant officials temporarily supported the king, but did not accompany the ruler on his military campaigns. The king held Polish–Hungarian joint councils from as early as 1440. It is most probable that a significant part of the Poles took the Hungarian efforts of Władysław seriously, and many noble families saw great potential in a Hungarian service. In this paper we endeavored to call attention to the fact that a vast amount of Polish‑related genealogical data (seals, itinerary supplements) can be found from this era in the Hungarian and Austrian archives. We hope that this collection will provide assistance to many in their research.</p> Ádám Novák, Balázs Antal Bacsa Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4140 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Rahoza. Przyczynek do dziejów kancelarii i dworu wielkich książąt litewskich w epoce Witolda https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4141 <p style="text-align: justify;">The article is devoted to Rahoza, a man appearing several times in the milieu of grand duke Švitrigaila (Świdrygiełło) of Lithuania during his reign in Vilnius (1430–1432). Since his origins were unknown, and his name’s ethymology is Ruthenian, I tended to suppose that he came to Lithuania together with Švitrigaila from the Chernigov land where he had ruled in 1420–1430. However, a new source was found among the papers of the Königsberg archive (nowadays preserved in Berlin), a summary of grand duke Vytautas’ letter to grand master of the Teutonic Order Michael Küchmeister written in 1418, which mentions Rahoza as the supreme Ruthenian scribe („obirster Ruwssche Schreiber”) of the grand‑ducal chancery. This mention sheds an important light on the structure and organization of the Ruthenian department of this chancery. It allowed to reveal one more mention of Rahoza, namely his „signature” in a shortened form on Vytautas’ document of donation for Sanko in Podillya (Podole), issued in 1424.</p> Sergiej Polechow Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4141 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Mściwoj II jako lennik margrabiów brandenburskich (w latach 1269–1273) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4142 <p style="text-align: justify;">In the paper, the author enters into a comprehensive polemic with the assertions of Błażej Śliwiński contained in his monograph on the Duke of Gdańsk Mestwin II regarding his relations with Brandenburg margraves. Once again he is attempting to substantiate his view that the feudal relation of Mestwin II to the margraves had earlier, Carolingian roots. Other detailed issues related to the policy of the Gdańsk duke regarding Brandenburg are also discussed in the paper.</p> Edward Rymar Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4142 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Kilka marginalnych uwag w sprawie statusu prawnego Sobiesławiców przed 1227 r. https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4143 <p style="text-align: justify;">Research into the feudal status of the rulers of Pomerelia from the Samboride dynasty and the terminology describing it has been engaging scholars already since the 19th century. In 1227 Leszek the White was assassinated and the duke of Gdańsk‑Pomerelia Świętopełk declared himself independent from the state of the Piasts. There is no agreement among researchers on whether before 1227 Świętopełk’s dynasty should be considered governors coming from the Polish knights and promoted by the Piasts during the time of Bolasław III Wrymouth’s conquest of Pomerania, or whether they should be perceived as local Pomeranian dukes coerced into submission. In the hitherto debate for both sides an important role has been played by the term <em>princeps </em>(equivalent of the German <em>Fürst</em>). In this paper the author attempts to reveal the interpretation error consisting in the assumption that this term was used in Poland and Pomerania interchangeably with the term <em>dux</em>, duke. Meanwhile, it seems that, like in the states of the German Reich, the term <em>princeps </em>meant a civil servant who was granted his office along with the state land he was to manage by a higher ruler. Taking such an office was not always related to noble birth and social position, which in the feudal society was guaranteed by the hereditary ducal title. Among the German <em>princeps </em>there were both archbishops and bishops as well as laymen: dukes, margraves, landgraves, and even counts. Other evidence, also discussed in the paper, points to the origin of the Samborides from the ducal dynasty. This includes the use of the ducal title by Mestwin I. Forgeries of documents from before 1227 also suggest that the title was used by Mestwin’s sons: Sambor II and Racibor.</p> Marek Smoliński Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4143 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Genealogia pierwszych pokoleń Działyńskich https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4144 <p style="text-align: justify;">In this paper, the author succeeded in correcting specific assertions of particular researchers of the genealogy of the first generations of the Działyński family of the Ogon coat of arms, which in the late Middle Ages became one of the magnate families and maintained its high position in the modern times as well (i.a., the issue of the alleged wife of Chamberlain Piotr of Działyń, the background of the wife of the Słońsk castellan Jan Działyński of Wola and Żałe). The most significant achievement, however, was the correction regarding the genealogy of Mikołaj Działyński, who died in 1491 – the first representative of the family who became a provincial governor and was the forefather of its main line. According to the conducted research, he was most likely not the son of the family’s progenitor, the Dobrzyń chamberlain Piotr (died in 1441–1441), but his grandson. as the father of the provincial governor Mikołaj we identify Mikołaj of Działyń, noted in source texts only once (1442), 22 years before his son’s activity was first recorded in any documents. The Marienburg treasurer (<em>podskarbi</em>) Krzysztof, who also used the Ogon coat of arms, was not, however, as was suggested before, part of the Działyński family; he probably came from an average noble family of the owners (<em>tenutarius</em>?) of the Celina village in the Dobrzyń land.</p> Sobiesław Szybkowski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4144 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Relacje arcybiskupa gnieźnieńskiego Jarosława Bogorii ze Skotnik z zakonem krzyżackim w Prusach https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4145 <p style="text-align: justify;">The paper concerns the relations between the archbishop of Gniezno Jarosław Borogia of Skotniki with the Teutonic Order in Prussia in the years 1342–1374. The first challenge the new metropolitan bishop had to face was the conclusion of a peace treaty between king Casimir III the Great and the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order Ludwig König in Kalisz in 1343. His success allowed him to strengthen his position in the relationship with the Teutonic Order and, in consequence, led to the reorganisation of the “table estate” (<em>bona mensae regiae</em>) located on the territory of the Teutonic Order. In June 1349 Jarosław was, on the Polish side, one of the two negotiators of the delineation treaty concluded in Trzęsacz. He most likely went to Marienburg in the autumn of 1365 with the king. An interesting aspect, which should be viewed through the prism of the good relations with the Order, is that after Jarosław resigned from the position of archbishop, the property that was to be his sustenance remained in the territory of the State of the Teutonic Order.</p> Łukasz Włodarski Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4145 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 The so‑called “council of eight” in the summer campaign of 1410 https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4146 <p style="text-align: justify;">The paper presents the issue of the functioning of a narrow group of royal advisors – the so‑called “council of eight” during the summer campaign of 1410, about which Jan Długosz wrote in his chronicle. Several days after entering the Prussian territory, the king chose from among all his advisors eight trusted people led by Vytautas the Great. The circumstances in which this group was selected allow to perceive the king’s decision as a remedial measure against the difficulties in the realisation of the campaign plan. These people were chosen due to their influence with the nobility and their importance in the king’s environment. Other criteria – political allegiance, territorial origin – played a secondary role. The main idea of selecting this narrow group of advisors was to improve the efficiency of the decision‑making process in the time of war. Its functioning was visible in the key moments of the campaign (councils before and after the Battle of Grunwald, talks with Heinrich von Plauen, decision to stop the siege of Marienburg). Most of the members were given management over the castles won in Prussia from the king. This exclusive group was dissolved with the end of the summer campaign.</p> Dariusz Wróbel Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4146 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Dwa przekazy źródłowe dotyczące testamentów z terenu władztwa zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach (podszpitalnika w Pasłęku z 1453 r. i prokuratora w Lochstädt z około 1476 r.) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4147 <p style="text-align: justify;">The study includes an edition of two source texts from the Secret State Archives Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation in Berlin‑Dahlem (Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz) regarding the wills and testaments of a spitler in Pasłęk Hans Osterreich from 1453 and a <em>pfleger </em>in Lochstädt Hans von Köckeritz from around 1476. Unfortunately, preserved source texts of this type are sparse. This is why historians’ research into last wills is focused mainly on wills and testaments drawn up by townspeople. Both texts illustrate both the very procedurę of drawing up a will and testament by people appointed by the Teutonic Order, which required the approval of the Grand Master (<em>the spitler</em>), as well as specific information about the personal assets of the Order’s officials and their social environment (<em>the pfleger</em>). Because of this they could be important for further research into the functioning of the lower offices of the Order and the changes in the way of enforcing the principles of the possession and management of personal property by people serving these functions.</p> Rafał Kubicki Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4147 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Dokument królowej Elżbiety Łokietkówny z 1 stycznia 1377 roku, w potwierdzeniu wikariuszy Królestwa Polskiego z 26 czerwca 1381 roku https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4148 <p style="text-align: justify;">This paper contains the never‑before‑published document of Elisabeth of Poland, Queen of Hungary, of the 1st January 1377, drawn up in Cracow and later validated by the vicars of the Kingdom of Poland on the 16th April 1381. The addressee of the document was the bishop of Seret Andrzej, chaplain of the queen and a parson in Kłodawa. In this diploma, the queen exempted him from paying rent to the royal treasury from some of the land belonging to the Kłodawa parish. The document is one of several sources confirming Elisabeth’s stay in Cracow in 1376/1377.</p> Andrzej Marzec Copyright (c) https://czasopisma.bg.ug.edu.pl/index.php/stzdsr/article/view/4148 wto, 17 gru 2019 00:00:00 +0100